Nếu "Vì người Thái" chiến thắng, họ sẽ quan tâm nhiều đến việc xây dựng luật về ân xá và chắc chắn nó sẽ gặp phải sự phản đối gay gắt từ tầng lớp trung lưu, lãnh đạo doanh nghiệp và lãnh đạo giới học thuật. Nếu "Dân chủ" giành được thắng lợi, họ sẽ phải đối mặt với sự giận dữ từ phe Áo đỏ và những sự việc như Rachaprasong rất có khả năng tiếp tục tái diễn.
Post-election landscape
1/07/2011
After the war of words and gruelling political campaigning, the Democrat and Pheu Thai parties go to the election on Sunday with two words which could decide their fate: majority and margin.
After the war of words and gruelling political campaigning, the Democrat and Pheu Thai parties go to the election on Sunday with two words which could decide their fate: majority and margin.
The magic number is 250 out of the total 500 seats available, both constituency-based and party list. If Pheu Thai manages to win the highest number of seats and it gains the majority too, then it's game over for the Democrats and Bhumjaithai.
There's really not much doubt which party will win the most seats on Sunday. Based on past performance and opinion surveys both by independent organisations and the political parties themselves, it's almost a foregone conclusion that Pheu Thai will sail past the finish line first, followed by the Democrats and then Bhumjaithai.
It's the number of seats that each party will win that remains in question.
The Election Commission bars publication of poll results a week before the election. One week before the deadline, Suan Dusit Poll with the largest poll size of more than 100,000 people nationwide, released its results which said that the Pheu Thai Party would win 260 seats, the Democrats 170 and Bhumjaithai 18.
Pheu Thai's own survey estimated it would bag at least 270 seats and at most 300. With such favourable readings, the party's tactic going into the final leg of the election has been simply maintaining the positive momentum.
The Democrats have their own estimates too. Although it is coming from behind, the country's oldest party and current core of the government remains confident it will fare better than suggested by the surveys and that it could win as many as 190 to 200 seats.
The Democrats also do not believe that Pheu Thai will do as well in the election as in the polling. Contrary to most other estimates, the Democrats still hold to the belief that Pheu Thai will win only 210 seats at the most.
With its ally Bhumjaithai projecting that it will do three times better on election day than in the opinion polls, winning some 50 to 60 seats, the Democrats are hopeful they can still form the next government even from a second-place position.
Pheu Thai's confidence lies with its large voter base - its predecessor the People Power Party won as many as 233 out of 480 seats contested in the 2007 election - and powerful marketing strategies prompted it to announce early on in the race that it wouldn't join hands with Bhumjaithai in forming the next government. This move turned the election into a race to win a majority.
The Democrats fought back during the last leg of their campaign - starting with their controversial rally on June 23 at Ratchaprasong, the scene of last year's red shirt protest that led to the military crackdown with scores killed. The Democrats called on voters to give them more than 250 seats so that they could "detoxify" Thailand from any lingering legacy of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra.
Another game-changer is the controversial issue of amnesty.
Even though Yingluck Shinawatra and the Pheu Thai cadre came out to deny that the party has a policy of granting an amnesty for a single person - Thaksin - the party has not yet clearly stated what its stance is on this thorny issue.
The Democrats wasted no time capitalising on Pheu Thai's ambivalence, its Achilles' Heel as far as this election goes, in the Democrats' view. On top of that, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's stance supporting the threat made by the Thai delegation to the World Heritage Committee meeting on the Preah Vihear temple to withdraw Thailand's membership of the World Heritage Convention could gain him some votes from undecided voters or some members of the yellow shirt People's Alliance for Democracy who could find the Democrats' nationalist gesture to their liking.
If Pheu Thai gets to form the government after the election, the amnesty question will continue to haunt it. The party may bank on the possibility of it winning a landslide victory as a mandate for it to go ahead with a sweeping am nesty, possibly for all cases both political and criminal since the 2006 coup. It has already assigned a key leader, Chalerm Yubamrung, to work on a draft law on amnesty which it renamed a national reconciliation draft bill after public sentiment turned against the proposal.
Not only is a government led by Pheu Thai destined to meet a formidable opponent in the Democrats but it's highly possible that members of the middle class, business leaders and intellectual leaders would also line up against it if the party pushes ahead with the amnesty proposal.
After some leaders of Pheu Thai made the threat they would settle scores with state officials and justice authorities such as Department of Special Investigation director-general Tharit Pengdit, whom red shirt leaders within Pheu Thai con sider their arch enemy, this means reconciliation is unlikely to be the name of the game for a Pheu Thai government. More conflicts and possibly confrontation can be expected.
If the Democrats manage the incredible in the last stretch and win enough votes to form a government, they will have an equally tough task of proving themselves. There is no question that the ruling party did not spend its last two years in power wisely. Its performance was less than impressive even in the eyes of its hardcore fans. It has to show that it really does know how to implement its policies.
In terms of public sentiment, a Democrat-led coalition would likely be more acceptable to business leaders and members of the establishment, some of whom have expressed the desire to see the incumbent carry on its initiatives including the independent committees on truth and national reform.
Still, it is certain the Democrats will continue to face red shirt wrath if it usurps the likely election winner Pheu Thai and forms the next government. Again, the road ahead would be sewn with more conflicts and possibly violence.
With such a reading of the post-election landscape, it's no surprise both Pheu Thai and the Democrats are racing for the magic majority - the 250 seats which would give either party the much-needed mandate to forward its agenda, whatever it might be.
If neither party can win a majority of seats and the margin is not substantial, then the country will likely be heading towards more trying times and a return to instability.